Damage to institution of Akal Takht symbolising Sikh sovereignty more important dimension of current crisis in Sikh domain

 

Ideological Damage to Akal Takht most important dimension of Akali Crisis

Ground Zero

By Jagtar Singh

The Sikh religio-political discourse entered a new phase on Baisakhi 2025 — the historic day on which Guru Gobind Singh, in 1699, created the Khalsa at Anandpur Sahib, completing the ideological foundation laid by Guru Nanak Dev, the founder of the Sikh faith.

Significant developments emerged from the well-attended Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) conference held at Takht Sri Damdama Sahib on April 13. It was the first major public appearance of Sukhbir Singh Badal since his re-election as party president on April 12, marking his return to the helm after a brief interregnum. Sukhbir, who first succeeded his father, Parkash Singh Badal, as party president in 2008, resumes leadership of a party long dominated by the Badal family—an influence that has spanned over three decades, the longest in the SAD’s history.

For months, the religio-political landscape of Punjab has remained in flux. A pivotal moment came on December 2, 2024, when the Sikh high priests issued a Hukamnama from the Akal Takht, with the entire Akali leadership — once united under the SAD umbrella — standing solemnly in attendance. It was widely perceived as a moment of potential reconciliation and stability.

That possibility, however, now appears remote after Sukhbir Singh Badal launched an unprecedented and scathing critique of the very institutions that underpin Sikh religious authority.

Internal Dissent Unleashed

In what many see as an extraordinary departure from historical norms, Sukhbir’s address at Damdama Sahib featured a direct attack on the Jathedars of the Takhts, especially those associated with the December 2 Hukamnama. Without explicitly naming them, he accused Giani Harpreet Singh, Giani Raghbir Singh (then Jathedar of Akal Takht), and Giani Sultan Singh (chief of Takht Keshgarh Sahib) of operating under the influence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Sukhbir alleged that these religious figures were swayed by the central government, which had been targeting the Akali leadership since the SAD broke its alliance with the BJP in 2020 over the controversial farm laws — laws that were later withdrawn amid massive protests. He pointed to the provision of security personnel and vehicles to the Jathedars as evidence of undue central influence, though many consider such perks to be symbolic and insufficient to explain institutional compromise.

The implications of these allegations are profound. They suggest that the Hukamnama of December 2, a religious edict meant to be followed in letter and spirit by the global Sikh community, was issued under political pressure.

Repercussions of the December 2 Edict

The Hukamnama carried two key directives. First, it revoked the title of Panth Rattan Fakhr-e-Qaum, conferred on Parkash Singh Badal in December 2011 for his lifetime of service to the Sikh cause and politics. This marked the first instance of a posthumous revocation of the title, calling into question Badal’s legacy as a five-time chief minister and veteran Panthic leader.

Second, it declared that the Akali leadership had lost the moral authority to lead the Sikh community. A seven-member committee headed by SGPC president Harjinder Singh Dhami was formed to carry out fresh organisational elections for the SAD within six months. Following the resignations of Dhami and one other member, the remaining five continued the membership drive independently.

In a parallel move, however, the SAD under Sukhbir Singh Badal initiated its own membership drive, culminating in his re-election — effectively signalling a defiance of the December 2 edict.

Roots of the Crisis

The December 2 edict partly stemmed from the 2015 exoneration of Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh in a blasphemy case dating back to 2007. It later emerged that the Jathedar of the Akal Takht and his associates were summoned to the chief minister’s official residence in Chandigarh and handed a letter from the Dera — a move seen as a blatant violation of Sikh Maryada (religious code), undermining the autonomy of the Akal Takht.

Following public backlash, the 2015 Hukamnama was rescinded, but the episode left lasting damage to institutional credibility. On December 2, 2024, the SAD leadership publicly confessed to past missteps, only for Sukhbir to retract his stance days later.

Subsequently, all three Jathedars involved in the December 2 Hukamnama were removed from office by the SGPC. At the time, SGPC chief Dhami was on sabbatical.

Yet contradictions remain. Giani Raghbir Singh, accused of BJP influence, continues to serve as Head Granthi of the Golden Temple, the spiritual epicentre of the Sikh faith. Sukhbir, while thanking the SGPC executive for sacking the Jathedars, must also reconcile the fact that the SGPC — dominated by his faction — was the appointing authority in the first place.

Structural Reform or Political Power Play?

The SGPC's last general house election was held in 2011, making it long overdue. It is widely believed that the Union Home Ministry has delayed new elections over fears of a radical takeover. However, many argue that fresh elections are crucial for restoring legitimacy and stability in the Sikh religio-political landscape.

With two SAD factions expected to emerge once the five-member committee completes its membership drive, the Sikh domain is set to become even more diverse. Other players include the Akali Dal (Waris Punjab De), with two sitting MPs, and the Akali Dal (Amritsar) led by Simranjit Singh Mann. Multiple other factions are also poised to contest SGPC leadership, once elections are finally held.

The Way Forward

At the Damdama Sahib conference, the Badal faction unveiled its vision. Sukhbir invoked the legacy of Parkash Singh Badal — including welfare schemes like atta-daal and shagun — while MP Harsimrat Kaur Badal emphasized the importance of preserving a separate Sikh identity, a theme long sidelined by the party while in power.

Sukhbir also vowed to fulfill all promises made — a pledge that, given the SAD’s long and checkered history of manifesto commitments since 1996, deserves closer scrutiny.

It is increasingly clear that Sukhbir Singh Badal's next objective is to restore the Panth Rattan title to his father — a symbolic move that would seek to rehabilitate both the family’s and the party’s tarnished legacy.

As the battle for control over Sikh religious and political institutions intensifies, Baisakhi 2025 may go down as a defining moment — not only for the SAD but for the future of Sikh political identity itself.

The most important dimension, however, is continuing erosion of the highest Sikh institutions. Akal Takht was created by the Sixth Guru, Hargobind, as a symbol of state power in front of Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple). Historically, the Sikhs have been drawing their inspiration from these two centres representing spiritual and the temporal. These are not just brick structures. All the Akali agitations have been launched from this place since 1920. Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his associates died while defending it from the army under  Operation Bluestar.

The erosion of this institution suits the rulers at the centre, whichever party might be in power.