Only right narrative can produce results for agitation for release of Sikh political prisoners and Bargari sacrilege case
Only right
narrative can produce results for agitation for release of Sikh political
prisoners
Ground Zero
Jagtar Singh
Any agitation
that is not based upon the right narrative might not produce the right results.
Punjab, of
late, has turned into land of agitations.
Three agitations
are presently going on in the state – Bargari, Zira and Mohali. The issue under discussion here is
that of the Mohali agitation for release
of Sikh political prisoners “who have completed their sentence” and the
Bargari agitation for getting justice in cases related to sacrilege of Guru
Granth Sahib in 2015 for which the family of Parkash Singh Badal is also blamed
by a section in the Sikh religio-political domain.
Balwant Singh
Rajoana, one of the convicts in the case of assassination of chief minister
Beant Singh on August 31, 1995, today questioned not only intentions but also credentials of some of the
Qaumi Insaaf Morcha leaders spearheading the Mohali agitation. He has been
supporting the Shiromani Akali Dal for years and his foster sister Kamaljit
Singh was fielded by the party in the Sangrur Lok Sabha by-election. That is a
different dimension.
The two
persons who had originally decided to avenge human rights violations in Punjab
at that time were Dilawar Singh and Rajoana. Dilawar Singh opted to become
human bomb that assassinated Beant Singh. The action was planned by Babbar
Khalsa. Jagtar Singh Hawara was brought in from abroad to coordinate this major
action. Dilawar and Rajoana had planned to target either Beant Singh or police
chief K. P. S. Gill and the same was conveyed to the Babbar leadership abroad.
Rajoana has
dared the Morcha leaders to reveal their political links.
The issue
here is not that of allegations and counter-allegations that weaken such
struggle but the right narrative.
The
Shiromani Akali Dal and Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee have launched
mass signature campaign on this very issue. The latest to join signatories
include 5-time chief minister Parkash Singh Badal and Shiromani Akali Dal
president Sukhbir Singh Badal.
First the
right narrative.
This dimension
relates to the release of political prisoners as they have “completed their
sentence”.
This is not
the right narrative as there is nothing like completion of sentences. They have
been sentenced to life imprisonment that is not a term imprisonment. Some of
the lawyers who have been taking up such cases have been briefing the leaders
on the right interpretation. Some of these prisoners face charges of waging war
against the state too.
The release
can be through remission of sentence, pardon or pre-mature.
In these
cases, the government would have to take political decision.
In Nagaland,
the political prisoners were released under an accord.
There is
another dimension. Some of them like Rajoana own their actions.
These people
were part of a political fight against the Indian state.
Have they
disowned that struggle? In case they do, they won’t be the heroes.
In this
context, should their case be compared with that of release of killers and
rapists in Bilkis Bano case? Political prisoners should not be compared to
rapists and killers.
The issues underlying
this struggle are broader.
Is the
struggle of which they were part is over at the political level?
Then there
is the dimension of Parkash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Singh Badal signing the
petition for the release of these prisoners as part of the mass signature
drive.
Is this the
same pen with which he had admitted former police officer Mohammad Izhar Alam to
the Shiromani Akali Dal and decided to field him in the Assembly election?
Ticket was later allotted to Alam’s wife in the wake of strong resentment among
the Sikhs.
Is this the same
pen with which he appointed Sumedh Singh Saini as the director general of
police?
The names of
both Alam and Saini are associated with human rights excesses in Punjab against
those from that very struggle to which these prisoners belong.
There has to
be accountability.
It may be
recalled that Badal was also a signatory to the memorandum submitted to the
United Nations in April 1992 demanding Khalistan.
Then there
is the case of Bargari sacrilege narrative pointing accusing fingers at Badals.
The narrative
that has been constructed is that Badals are responsible for sacrilege.
This is
where the narrative went wrong.
The issue is
different and is being repeated here.
A case was
registered against Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim in 2007 for
blasphemy. Edict was issued from Akal Takht in June that year against Gurmeet
and his sect. The case was never taken to logical conclusion and withdrawn five
days before the Assembly election in 2012. Chief minister during that period
was Parkash Singh Badal. Why was investigation not carried out? This raises
questions on the intention.
Badal as the
chief minister in September 2015, in brazen violation of the Sikh code of
conduct, summoned Akal Takht Jathedar Giani Gurbachan Singh and his associates
for a meeting at his official residence in Chandigarh. Gurmeet was exonerated
of the blasphemy charge and pardoned within days evoking strong protest in the
Sikh domain. This meeting calls for explanation as the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak
Committee dominated by the Shiromani Akali Dal defended this exoneration by
inserting ads in newspapers at a cost of about Rs. 90 lakh. This edict was
later withdrawn.
Who ordered
police action at Kotkapura against Sikh devotees demanding action in case of
Bargari sacrilege?
The Bargari
narrative should revolve around these three basic issues rather than blaming
Badals for sacrilege and later Behbal Kalan firing in which two Sikh protesters
were killed.
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