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Punjab electoral dynamics to return to normal while impact success of farm struggle would follow

 


 

 

Repeal of farm laws may dictate new permutations and combinations in Punjab polls arena

Ground Zero

Jagtar Singh

 

The historic victory of the farm struggle that otherwise is still to be taken to the logical questions has not only dented the carefully crafted image over time of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of being  the Iron Man but has also questioned his credibility going by the qualified reaction of the farm leaders to the announcement of repeal of the controversial three farm laws.

The narrative might have been different in case he had directly interacted with the farm leaders and made the announcement in their presence as that would have facilitated in creating concensus on the modalities for facilitating immediate withdrawal of farm struggle and vacation of dharna sites at the gates of Delhi at three places.

But then the farmers were not given even a hint at the time when they were administered the shock of implementation of the three laws through ordinance in June 2020 that provoked immediate reaction in Punjab that finally emerged as epicentre of the struggle not only against these laws but also against the very market oriented model of development that is anti-people.

Such approach to the sensitive issues stems more from arrogance. This is a lesson that is to be learnt by the political elite in Punjab too.

That the withdrawal, besides being dictated by strong undercurrents against BJP especially in Western UP, is also Punjab centric is evident from the timing as the announcement was made on birth anniversary of Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion. Earlier, the Modi government announced the opening of the Kartarpur Sahib corridor to the shrine on other side of the border in Pakistan where the Guru spent his last about 17 years.

New reality in regional geo-politics is the emergence of China-Pakistan-Afghanistan axis  and Punjab is strategically located. Moreover, Punjab’s religio-political discourse is highly volatile. This state was subjected to more than a decade long militant struggle beginning 1980.

At the level of economy, Modi is following the very policies of liberalisation and corporatisation that were initiated at the time when Dr. Manmohan Singh was the finance minister. Technically, these policies were set in motion in 1994. The farm laws too flow from those policies. Modi was continuing that very model and it has now come under question. The region most affected by these laws happens to be the strategic Punjab.

The political narrative associated with the farm struggle has to be reviewed and assessed in this backdrop.

Interestingly, the only party that was directly impacted by the farm agitation, not only in Punjab but at the national level too,  is the Shiromani Akali Dal. The party had been in alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party since 1996 that was formalised before February 1997 Assembly election.

It was perhaps this relationship that dictated the approach of the party to these bills at the first stage after promulgation of the three ordinances. Alliances are based upon mutual trust and Modi had touted these laws as pro-farmer.

The party last year opted for a major course correction since 1997 when it decided to end this alliance as the struggle intensified. Akali Dal representative Harsimrat Kaur Badal resigned from the Modi cabinet before the relationship ended.

The farmers in Punjab are mainly the Sikhs.

It is in this context that reference has earlier been made to the withdrawal being Punjab-centric along with UP.

Shiromani Akali Dal has been the party of the Sikhs and continues to be the that very party despite several changes over the years. But then the Sikh philosophy preaches universal brotherhood and egalitarianism and as such, this approach was within this framework. Of course, this approach should have been carefully calibrated.

Farmers have been the main constituency of this party that used to focus on Sikh affairs and the farmers are mainly the Sikhs.

It is in this context that the dynamics of the emerging electoral combinations would have to be worked out by this second oldest political party in the country. The regional parties by their very nomenclature and character represent the aspirations and ambitions of the region and get associated with that region. It is pertinent to mention in this framework that the Sikhs were the third party in all the negotiations leading to freedom of the country.

With the farm struggle getting phased out in the coming days, the electoral dynamics of Punjab would return to normal.

The Congress so far had the agenda of the farm struggle to cover its anti-incumbency rooted in the period when Capt Amarinder Singh was the chief minister who was replaced by Charanjit Singh Channi because of this very reason.

With that cover having got blown away, the ruling Congress would have to give its account to the people.

The Akali Dal and the Aam Aadmi Party now have the choice to focus mainly on anti-incumbency while coming up with own pro-people long term agenda. AAP, however, has been collapsing over time and this party is still to get out of that mess. This party till date lacks credible face to lead it to the electoral arena. This is clearly advantage Akali Dal.

The Akali Dal would have to effectively reassert itself as the symbol of Punjab to pose direct challenge to the Congress and this is not a Herculean task under the given fluid situation.

The impact of the victorious farm struggle on the political and electoral dynamics would start becoming clear in not too distant a time.

 


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