Alliance with BSP is Akali Dal’s gain mainly in perception domain as BJP had more effective support base
Alliance
with BSP is Akali Dal’s gain mainly in perception domain
Ground Zero
Jagtar Singh
The
arrangement to have alliance for the February 2022 Assembly elections in Punjab
by the Shiromani Akali Dal with the otherwise non-performing Bahujan Samaj
Party after break up with the Bharatiya Janata Party is an issue that has more
relevance in the perception domain.
The basic
issue for the Akali Dal is whether the new relationship can compensate for the
loss resulting from the unexpected parting of ways with the BJP, the alliance
that ended up as the longest in recent history between the two divergent
parties who also had the history of being adversaries in the context of Sikh
struggles to protect the interests of Punjab and the Punjabis. The alliance
broke under pressure from the farmers struggle.
It is
pertinent to mention that the BSP has
never made even a single electoral gain in Punjab since 1997.
The party still has some pockets of influence, mainly in
the Doaba area of Punjab, although like the Communists, its vote share too has
been shrinking. The Communist Party of India had won two seats in Punjab last
time in 2002 Assembly elections and the party has contested that election in
alliance with the Congress. Both the CPI MLAs later defected to the Congress.
The last
time the CP(M) had representation in the Assembly was in 1980. The 1992 election
is not being considered here as that was held under the shadow of poll boycott
and the AK 47’s of both the militants and the security forces. Some of the
candidates who had won had polled only a
few hundred votes. It was an election
designed by the agencies as a tool to deal a deadly blow to militancy and the result
was achieved within a few months.
The basic
issue underlying the Akali Dal-BSP alliance is not the number of seats allotted
to the BSP or the geographical distribution. Of course, the BSP did not get all
those seats in which the party had polled sizeable votes in 2017 and this has
raised hackles among the party rank and file.
It would be
the gain of the BSP even if the party manages to win even two seats under this
alliance. The party would have representation in the Assembly after about
quarter of a century. This alliance has to be assessed in this context. The calculations
of the party itself are not known at this stage but this is a way of looking at
the arrangement from the criteria of electoral gains. The BSP gains.
At the
social level, the positioning of Dalits in Punjab is different as compared to
the rest of the country due to Sikhism, the religion philosophy that is a
social arrangement based upon egalitarianism, humanism and non-discrimination
in terms of caste and creed. This has to be seen in the context of the society
in the Indian region being vertically fractured history in which the human
dignity is the least concern as humans are treated unequal.
What is intriguing, however, is the choice of
the seats allocated to the BSP.
Akalis don’t
contest Golden Temple seat:
The most notable
seat from altogether a different aspect that has been allocated to the BSP is
the Amritsar Central where the Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple) is located. This
seat, for decades, has been alternating between the Congress and the BJP for
decades. The Akali Dal has never contested this seat at least since 1977 till
which election record has been consulted.
This is a
seat in which the Sikh population is on the lower side. Even that population
has been diluted after the so-called Galliara scheme under the garb of
beautification was launched that in effect was designed keeping in view the
security concerns during the post-Operation Bluestar period. The areas adjoining
the shrine was taken over by the government and the population got displaced.
Rajesh
Kumar of the BSP had received just 500 votes from Amritsar Central in 2017 as compared
to 51242 votes of Om Parkash Soni who won as the Congress candidate.
Being the
seat of the Golden Temple, the Akali Dal should start putting up its own
candidate from here as the issue is not just victory or defeat. The gain for
the Akali Dal would be in the domain of morality but then that is both different
and difficult domain for the ruling classes.
The other
seat in Amritsar is Amritsar North where the BSP had received just 486 votes,
amongst the lowest for the party in the state. Both these seats were in the BJP
quota in alliance with the Akali Dal earlier.
Would
BSP compensate Akalis for BJP loss?
The basic
issue in electoral domain is whether the BSP would compensate for the loss the
Akali Dal has suffered following break up with the BJP.
The issue is not just the number of votes in each
seat the BSP got in 2017 or the aggregate but comparison with the share of the
BJP.
In Punjab,
the BJP has been the major gainer under alliance with the Akali Dal. The last
time when the BJP contested at its own in this state was in 1985 when it had
won six seats under a highly polarized situation after Operation Bluestar.
However,
the Sangh Parivar has presence in all the major cities and mandi towns. The issue
is not that of its role of being representative of the Hindus that this party
is not in Punjab as the Congress too has been in that role since 1947. The BJP
has more effective presence as compared to BSP.
It is
common knowledge that at the level of arithmetic, the BSP does not compensates
the Akali Dal for the loss resulting from end of ‘flesh and nail’ arrangement
with the BJP.
The gain of
the Akali Dal is mainly at the level of perception.
At the
pragmatic level, the main gainer could be the BSP.
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