Modi could be as misleading on farm laws as logic of demonitisation as anti-terrorism weapon
Jagtar Singh
Ground Zero
In the latest such shocking incident, at least twenty-two
security personnel were killed in a bloody confrontation with the Naxalites in
Chhatisgarh. The number of casualties on the other side are stated to be
twelve, including a woman.
This perhaps is the case of the highest number of the
security personnel killed since the Pulwama bomb attack on the convey in Jammu
and Kashmir that changed the narrative in the run up to the 2019 Lok Sabha
polls.
One of the differences now is that the Pakistan factor is
missing in Chhatisgarh. Of course, the Assembly elections are being held in
several states.
The Chhatisgarh incident cannot in any way be linked to the
struggle for existence by the farmers that has spread across several states
after having been triggered in Punjab that historically is a turbulent zone. But
then the two narratives are linked at entirely a different level. It is a
different matter that the militancy in India’s tribal belt too is closely
linked to preservation of the way of life.
One has to recall the shocker that was delivered by Prime
Minister Narendra Modi in the late evening of November 8, 2016 that was the
demonitisation. That action wrecked the economy. The jolt to the economy by
Covid might not have been so severe in case demonitisation had not hit the
economy earlier. India is the country whose economy suffered such double shocker.
Modi and his ministers have been going about arguing in
favour of the three farm laws saying these were for the welfare of the farmers.
The Modi government continues to maintain that the farmers have been misled.
India has not witnessed such a massive and peaceful struggle since the
partition in 1947.
Modi might be as wrong in case of the farmers as his
arguments fell flat in favour of demonitisation.
The farm laws have been adopted during Covid and without
discussion. The government first promulgated ordinance, the route that is
resorted to only in case of emergency. There was no such emergency in this
case. These ordinances were later ratified in Parliament through method that
has raised several questions.
Modi announced on November 8, 2016 that demonitisation was
the weapon to confront corruption, black money, fake notes and terrorism.
The Chhatisgarh tragedy has happened after nearly five years
after demonitisation that was to counter terrorism.
India continues to confront militancy.
Corruption continues to be as rampant as earlier.
The arguments for demonitisation have fallen flat and this
exactly what is important so far the defence of the farm laws by the government goes.
It is the divisive politics that sustains the BJP in
elections, not the performance.
The farm struggle, however, is purely a socio-economic issue
that might hit the basic structure of the rural society.
The pro-government economists have repeatedly written that
the number of farmers depending on this sector has to be reduced for higher
growth of the GDP. This is the logic of the laws rooted in market forces.
The Modi government has opted for the confrontational path
to deal with the farm struggle with the suspension of the dialogue.
The latest attack is the decision to make direct payment to
the farmers for procured crops. There should be no middleman but these laws
would replace one set of middlemen with the corporate middlemen who would
dictate terms with the consumers too.
The basic issue here is the fallacy of advocacy of
demonitisation earlier by Modi and the same line of assertion in case of the
farm laws.
Like the demonitisation, the farm laws too would hit the
economy.
After Pulwama, the Chhatisgarh attack is another example of
failure of demonitisation to contain terrorism and that exactly is the issue.
The Modi government must withdraw these laws at the earliest
and chalk out the reform agenda in consultation with the stakeholders, in this
case the farmers.
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